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[153] The former—led by Echazú—defended prostitution as a valid way of life, while the latter—led by Berkins—generally rejected it and mainly focused on the social recognition of their identities.[153] They sought to distance themselves from Cet's position that argued that in order to change the living conditions of travestis, they should first of all modify the image that society had of them, ignoring the issue of prostitution.[153]

[2] As noted by Spanish anthropologist María Fernanda Guerrero Zavala in 2015: "At the academic level, the approaches to identities and bodies from the queer point of view, which are gaining strength, are proposed birli a way out of the static conception of identities and propose angles of theoretical interpretation based on life experiences."[9]

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Furthermore, Kulick suggests that travestis—far from deviating from normative gendered expectations—may in fact distill and perfect the messages that give meaning to gender throughout Brazilian society and possibly throughout much of Latin America.

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Trans kadınlarda bu işlem, sakal ve bıyığın epilasyonu ve cinsiyeti yönlü hâle getirme operasyonudur. Bu operasyonla, haya torbası ve hayalar, penisten ayrılmakta ve eşeysel birleşmeye de imkân sağlayıcı bir vajina oluşturulmaktadır.

Travestis derece only dress contrary to their assigned sex, but also adopt female names and pronouns and often undergo cosmetic practices, hormone Travesti replacement therapy, filler injections and cosmetic surgeries to obtain female body features, although generally without modifying their genitality nor considering themselves kakım women. The travesti population özgü historically been socially vulnerable and criminalized, subjected to social exclusion and structural violence, with discrimination, harassment, arbitrary detentions, torture and murder being commonplace throughout Latin America.

On the other hand, within the same extended community there is a clear interest in incorporating [travestis] and highlighting them as central characters in novels, plays and songs. Thus, we could say that around the figure of traveestis there is a recognition and a forceful attempt to put them in places of visibility, especially, by lesbian authors of novels and music for alternative young people."[80]

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Activist Marlene Wayar in 1998. Between 1993 and 2003, ALITT collaborated with the City of Buenos Aires' Ombudsman's Office (Spanish: Defensoría del Pueblo) in a series of initiatives aimed at the transvestite community.[153] One of the first initiatives promoted by the Ombudsman's Office was the Informe preliminar sobre la situación bile las travestis en la ciudad de Buenos Aires in 1999, a statistical report on the living conditions of the city's travestis.[153] Between 1995 and 2005, travesti organizations were strengthened by working with other groups, interacting with the academia and articulating with different political parties.[158] Around 1995, the gay magazine NX organized meetings to discuss the problem of sexual minorities in the country and travesti groups were invited to share their life experiences.[3] These gatherings led to a 1996 national meeting of activists organized in Rosario by the local group Colectivo Arco Iris, which is considered a milestone in the travesti movement, since they widely convinced the rest of the attendees to recognize them as part of the broader Argentine LGBT movement.

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I am a dissident of the gender system, my political construction in this society is that of a pure-bred travesti. That what I am and what I want and choose to be."[89]

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